Lleu Williams explains why a lobby to smooth out devolution’s jagged edges is being taken to London today
What do the Government of Wales Acts of 1998 and 2006 together with the current proposed Draft Wales Bill all have in common? The answer is that their contents are all decided in Westminster and the same will go for whatever the Commission on Devolution for Wales recommends in its second report, which is due to be launched this coming Monday.
Westminster still makes the decision on the way Wales’s devolution settlement operates. Any future changes from a ‘conferred powers’ model of devolution to a ‘reserved powers’ model of devolution will require the agreement of both Houses of Parliament.
The arguments for changing Wales’s devolution model have already been articulated expertly by Emyr Lewis in previous ClickonWales articles. There is now widespread support within Wales for a move to a reserved powers model of devolution – you only have to look at the sheer number of submissions of evidence in support to the Silk Commission last year to see this. However, this consensus will be meaningless unless we can get agreement in Westminster.
As Welsh Labour AM, Mike Hedges noted in a speech in the National Assembly in June 2013, the case for a reserved powers model isn’t about asking for more powers, But one that “seeks to bring clarity to the devolution settlement.” It also about ensuring, as Paul Davies, a Welsh Conservative AM, said in his contribution to the same debate, “that there is absolutely no confusion in the Assembly’s competence.”
This emphasis on clarity is all the more prescient when one considers the now almost routine referrals of Welsh Bills to the Supreme Court. Since 2011, Bills affecting fields as diverse as Agricultural Payments, local government by-laws and asbestos compensation have been referred to the Supreme Court, a process which has only highlighted the confusion over the boundaries of the Welsh devolution settlement. The result is a state of uncertainty that has been recognised by politicians, and public and private organisations in Wales.
The conferred powers system brings more than just questions of legality. We also have to raise questions of efficacy and efficiency. What are the cost and resource implications of the current model of devolution for the Governments either side of the M4 corridor? Is it really an effective use of legislative and governmental time- something that is often at a premium?
Policymakers cannot pretend that these questions and problems have emerged suddenly and unexpectedly. All of the failings and faults within the Welsh devolution settlement are problems that were foreseen by the Scotland Office in 1998 during the creation of the Scottish Parliament in the late 1990s. As the White Paper Scotland’s Parliament put it in 1997:
“It would have required frequent updating and might have given rise to regular legal arguments about whether particular matters were or were not devolved. This approach now seems incompatible with the Government’s objective of ensuring maximum clarity and stability.”
With that judgement the Scottish Office avoided the travails of a conferred powers system for Scotland. Instead, it built the Scottish Parliament on a reserved powers model. Yet the system that was rejected for Scotland has been implemented in Wales. Supporters of this campaign in Wales now believe it’s time to reject the status quo, and push for a change, a push which is taking place in Westminster today.
Today a coalition of civil society organisations will meet in the House of Parliament to persuade Welsh MPs and Peers to support the widespread calls that exist within Wales for the devolution settlement to be based on a reserved powers model. The event, organised by the UK Changing Union Project, brought together by the Wales Governance Centre at Cardiff University, the IWA and Cymru Yfory/Tomorrow’s Wales will be chaired by Professor Laura McAllister and will include contributions from Glyn Davies, Conservative MP for Montgomery; Wayne David, Labour MP for Caerphilly; Elfyn Llwyd, Plaid MP for Dwyfor Meirionydd; and Mark Williams, Liberal Democrat MP for Ceredigion.
Despite the strengthening of the National Assembly’s law-making powers following the thumping yes vote in the 2011 referendum, there has been no progress in delineating the actual extent of Wales’s powers. Unlike in Scotland and Northern Ireland, ours is a system bedevilled by complexity and ambiguity.
We need to put an end to the constant debate on the constitution, and who has responsibility for what matter and detail, and instead focus in outcomes in Welsh politics. There is a consensus in support of reserved powers among Welsh political and civic society. The question today is where Wales’ Parliamentarians stand.
5 thoughts on “Case for clear-cut Welsh legislative powers goes to Westminster”
All a little disingenuous I think. The reason why the initial devolution settlement was so circumspect and limited was because those pesky voters couldn’t be depended on to support devolution at all.
Despite the recent inclination to quote the “thumping yes vote in the 2011 referendum” as evidence of enthusiasm for further devolution the reality is that people are by no means sold on the “Journey” towards Independence.
Nationalists are convinced that the Independence debate in Scotland is driving an appetite for separation in Wales. On the contrary; the debate in Scotland is showing Wales where creeping devolution ends.
After Silk loudly claimed that its ICM poll showed a “thumping” 64% in favour of devolution of Income tax raising powers no subsequent poll has shown anything similar. Only one showed a narrow majority in favour and the most recent is the most emphatically anti. Of greater concern (or it should be) is the dislocation between the opinion of the supporters of each political party and that party’s position on devolution of fiscal powers. Only Plaid supporters are in tune with their party’s policy, only 16% of Tories agree with their party’s enthusiasm for devolution of fiscal powers.
Nationalists both in the Labour party and in Academia fear public opinion and will increasingly attempt to bypass the will of the people. The question is where does political opposition to further devolution come from? Wales has had no anti-devolution voice in the Senedd but there is just a chance that UKIP in Wales will tap into this rich vein of discontent with establishment politics. At the moment it looks like they will have 5 AMs in the next Assembly.
It is a real shame there are so many bad losers in the no devolution camp. As far as the serious question posed by this article, yes there is a need to get Wales the same settlement as Scotland and Northern ireland. The original legislation was a mishmash designed to provide a settlement agreeable to a divided labour party rather than what is best for Wales. We now have the opportunity to improve and streamline the process to get the best systems in place to enable the Devolution journey to continue. The ability for the Welsh Parliament to know the reserved areas of competence will be a huge improvement and should happen sooner rather than later.
Whatever the result of the Scottish referendum the pace of devolution in Wales will increase because it is the settled will of the majority of Welsh people. Despite the protestations of the minority of “tea party tories” and ukip supporters in wales the Devolution process will continue.
This is not about further devolution , it is just clarifying the current siettlement
“This is not about further devolution , it is just clarifying the current siettlement”
And the 2011 referendum was just about tidying up the LCO system….
At each stage of the devolution Journey a few more people realise that there is only one final destination, a destination that Britnot wants to arrive at sooner rather than later. It’s all very well denigrating those who are rather dismayed at the mendacity of Welsh politicians and Academics……the “Tea Party Tories and UKIP supporters, but combined voting intentions for those two groups now stands at 29% for the next Assembly regional elections and it can’t be supposed that there are no devosceptics amongst Labour, Libdem and Plaid supporters.
“Whatever the result of the Scottish referendum the pace of devolution in Wales will increase because it is the settled will of the majority of Welsh people.”
Really? BBC St David’s day poll out today shows 42% for further devolution 54% against. The (rather discredited) Silk commission found 62% in favour of further devolution. It looks to me as though the Devophiles are being overhauled by the Devophobes. Maybe people are waking up to the dangers of devo-creep do you think?
Anyway, its not an event it’s a journey…one way or the other.
Comments are closed.